Recently, I was made aware of another alternative story of the Battle of Battle Creek. Previously, I published an essay about stories of Klamath and Kalapuya warriors involved in the Battle Creek incident. But, as this history has been well revisited by newspaper editors and other writers over the last 180 years, there are additional accounts of the battle that counter and alter details of the previous essay, and confirm parts of the essay. The most startling change is the identification of a band of Walla Walla natives instead of Klamath or Kalapuya. The significance of this identification has reached the contemporary Umatilla tribe, who has had the Walla Walla story included in their report which attempts to substantiate Umatilla claims in the Willamette Valley (Traditional Use Study of Willamette Falls and the Lower Columbia River by the Confederated Tribes of the Umatilla Indian Reservation. Jennifer Karson Engum, Ph.D. Cultural Resources Protection Program, Report prepared for CTUIR Board of Trustees, Fish and Wildlife Commission Cultural Resources Committee. November 16, 2020, p.73-74.)
[an aside] These fishery claims, as many are aware, are related to present day claims supporting access to the fishery at Willamette Falls, now a hotly contested set of claims of not less than six tribes in the region (Grand Ronde, Siletz, Warm Springs, Cowlitz, Yakima, Umatilla). It is my contention, for many years, that the contestation is solely the fault of the U.S. federal government who heavily impacted fisheries on the Columbia in the 20th century, by damming the river in numerous places and causing fish extinctions, poor river health, and breaching treaty rights of tribes. The devastation has left only Willamette Falls as the remaining semi-healthy fishery for lamprey and some salmon species. The fact is indisputable that the Clackamas and Clowewwalla held the primary claim at the falls, and those people were removed to Grand Ronde Indian Reservation. The claims from the other tribes offer no serious dispute of this fact. Their treaty-derived-claims, as written by federal Indian agents, do not recognize nuanced primary rights of the peoples who lived at a resource and instead only refer to “usual and accustomed” rights, rights tradiitonally based on kinship and trade.
The visitation of a Walla Walla band in the valley does not certify any land, resource, or fishery claim. In the same period of time during the 19th century there were Chippewa, Cree, Algonquian, and Delaware Native people in the territory, some in large numbers, yet there is no hint of a land or resource claim from any of these tribes. But there are some other interesting connections that could be drawn to explain several histories.
First, at least two accounts suggest that a band of Walla Wallas were in the valley to connect with the Methodist Mission and did so. In 1845, the year before the Battle Creek incident, the Umatilla, Walla Walla, Cayuse and perhaps other area tribes had been were engaged in an enterprise to bring a large herd of cattle from Sutter’s Mills (Sacramento). They were treated horribly in California and one of their party, Elijah Hedding- the son of Chief Peo-peo-mox-mox-, had spent some years at Willamette Mission, and learned to read and write in English. Hedding was killed in a fight in Sutter’s Mills, and the rest of the Oregon contingent had to escape to Oregon ahead of a posse of militia bent on their massacre. Hedding had brought the notion of gaining wealth by cattle ranching to the eastern tribes, perhaps their attempt to change the economy and begin to gain wealth that was respected by the American settlers. Hedding was in attendance at the Mission and had experienced the result of the Willamette Cattle drive (1837), which brought a large herd of Spanish cattle to the Willamette Valley and enriched the settlers who invested in the enterprise. This effort was undertaken by the settlers, with investments by US Agent William Slacum, to get out from under the extreme prices of goods from Fort Vancouver, operated by the Hudson’s Bay Company. The confederation of bands from eastern Oregon, led by Peo-peo-mox-mox’s son Hedding, had taken all of their wealth to California, a large herd of horses, and what money and trade they had, and lost it all after trading with the Spaniards for cattle, when during the escape their were forced to leave their herd in California.
After they returned to Oregon, the confederation sent a delegation to visit Dr. Elijah White to see what could be done to get their wealth back. Dr. White, the Oregon Indian Agent and Methodist Missionary, lived in Salem, and gave then a few dollars. It is possible the band from 1846 were those who sought Dr. White and got caught up in a web of rumors in the valley when they camped in the Salem Hills.
The following account seems to fit the details I have laid out, but without much elaboration.
———————————–
More Indian Difficulties
“Difficulties between the whites and natives are constantly increasing and gradually assuming a more serious aspect. Within the last few days we have heard of two unhappy cases- one in Clatsop County, which resulted in the death of one of the natives; another in Champoeg county, in which two of the Wallawalla Indians were wounded by a party of the settlers firing upon the encampment. The offence, on the part of the Indians in both cases, was that of killing cattle belonging to the whites. It is to be deeply regretted that, in none of the numerous cases of the kind which have lately occurred, has there been any effort made to have them adjusted by the proper authority.” [long editorial follows about the need to negotiate before using the rifle.](Oregon Spectator August 6, 184, Vol. 1 no. 14, p.4)
____________________________________
This account is noted as being the first published of the Battle Creek incident and as such perhaps the most accurate. Some years ago, I initially passed over the Wallawalla reference thinking that the settlers knew little about the identification of tribes and after I saw references to a Wasco man in other accounts assumed that was the origin of the reference. It should be noted that all reports of killing cattle are refuted, in all accounts. There was never any evidence of this, but instead only rumors. Other stories suggest the crime was horse theft from the Looney farm. The settlers in the valley were on edge about Indians, and only a few months previously had formed the Oregon Rangers, the first such company in Oregon. The Ashland Tidings newspaper of 1877 noted that the Oregon Rangers were formed because of the Cockstock incident (1844) in Oregon City, were one Wasco Indian was killed (Cockstock) and several white men injured, because of a dispute over the payment for work with a horse. The first Company in 1844 unxer Keizar, was disbanded and reformed under Captain Bennett in 1846. The company was not a professional outfit and there are rumblings in newspaper articles and scholarly accounts that Lieutenant Robinson, second under Bennett, was not a good leader and did not know how to effectively direct the men.
The day of the Battlecreek affair (August 4-5 1846?), Bennett was not in attendance and so the company was being directed by Robinson. As such, without effective leadership the primary blame for the battle is on the Oregon Rangers for not proving there was a crime before firing and perhaps killing one of the Walla Wallas. In the previous essay the person was injured but not killed was identified as Wasco. One member of the company, T. M. Ramsdell, has actually two accounts of this battle published by local newspapers. Ramsdell’s first account (1891) does not identify Walla Wallas by name, and lists Bennett as being in attendance. All other accounts state Robinson was in charge and Bennett was not in attendence.
Ramsdell’s account below, errors are bold and italicized.
_______________________________________
Battle Creek- Marion County’s First Battle- Reminescence [sic] of 1846
T. M. Ramsdell, Yaquina, Benton Co., OR.
“In the early pioneer days of Oregon, in 1846, I joined the “Oregon Rangers,” and was with them in an Indian fight on “Battle Creek,” six miles south of Salem.
I give the particulars as I remember them, though perhaps I may be in error, which others can correct.
The situation of Oregon in 1846, two thousand miles west of even a house of civilization, in a country jointly claimed by us (U.S.) and England, and a mere handful of Americans jointly occupying Oregon with Indian tribes and a settlement of Hudson Bay trappers demanded some means of personal self protection, and among others, the “Oregon Rangers” were organized. With the exception of missionaries and some who come with pack animals the first immigration of 80 wagons, under Whitman; and 150 wagons in 1844, in which we came; and of, I believe, about 500 wagons in 1845, were the sum total of Americans here.
I took up a piece of land on the Santiam river in 1845, before an immigrant had crossed the Santiam to its south side. At that time only three families, Campbell, Holden and Looney, were living in the Santiam country, In 1846 others began to settle there. In this year about thirty young men organized as the “Oregon Rangers” at the Mission Institute, as Salem was then called, for home protection. Capt. Bennett and Lieut. A.A. Robinson took command and we met on the Santiam. Scouts brought in word that a band of Indians were on the move toward the Mission Institute, so we at once went there to intercept them. After waiting an hour or two scouts brought word that the Indians had camped on what is now known as Battle Creek, six miles south of Salem. We immediately formed in line and rode out. We found Looney, Evans and one or two others on the first hill, and after consultation we passed over the hill with our horses at full speed, down the slope, and across the creek to the opposite little prairie bottom where the Indians were camped and surrounded the camp with the exception of the creek side. But few of the buck Indians were in the camp. One old Indian was particularly excited in trying to get out his gun. I noticed Mr. Daily by my side, leveling his gun at the Indian as intended to shoot, I put my hand on his arm and with others requested him not to shoot. He said he would if that Indian did not put down his gun. The Indian saw the movements and, leaving his gun, waved his hand, saying, wake, wake (no, no). Capt. Robinson called Mr. Walker out as interpreter and we stated our demand of pay for cattle killed. In commencing negotiations we gradually became quiet in our places, promising we would not hurt them. Robinson gathered the Indians before us in a body for a talk. Gradually a dozen or so of Indians came in, one after another, from ambushes in the tall grass, weeds and brush outside of our lines where they had rushed unobserved as we had been coming down the hill upon their camp. We had a long talk of an hour or so, the Indians denying having killed cattle, and we insisting that they had, and demanded pay. At last Capt. Robinson concluded to take two or three of the Indians as hostages till pay was given. He ordered us into ranks, and ordered the second platoon to close in between the Indians and the creek. The Indians saw our movements in reforming our disordered ranks, and some began to promise to pay us a horse, then two, three or as many horses as we demanded. One or two Indians hastily gathered bridles or ropes to go and get the horses for us. Robinson did not seem to notice these offers, nor did he check the movements of our men when the second platoon began to move between the Indians and the brush on the creek, the Indians made a rush for the brush and several of our men began firing on them. It was crack, crack all around me. The Indians immediately returned the fire. A Indian fell not 20 feet from me and others dragged him into the brush. One Indian was bold enough to rush out close to us to fire at us as he kept dodging. The others fired from behind the brush. Our position close to the brush was at short range but the unexpected excitement of our situation was not favorable for deliberate aim. Many of us did not see the call or necessity of shooting and I sat on my horse unwilling to shoot and not feeling the necessity to be shot at. I looked around and saw that the second platoon and part of the first had gone back to the side hill beyond. By me two or three of our men had dismounted to reload. As they remounted we severally rode back to the main body. Sexton, our color bearer, had tied his flag around him to give him a chance to fight, and with Daily and others thought we ought to wipe the Indians out. As we were coming together on the side hill someone said Paterson is shot, we turned and saw him very pale and just able to hold to the horn of his saddle. Wm. Herring and Holt helped him off and he was given water. One of the Neal boys had his horse shot in the hip, otherwise our casualties are not mentioned. We were a divided set of men. A few were for exterminating the Indians, but most felt that the shooting was hasty, uncalled for, and unjustifiable, and would have no hand in the fighting, and our warlike ones were to few to attempt it themselves. Our captain attempted to talk with the Indians but they said we had killed one and wounded several other Indians, and we had not kept our promises and they would not talk. So after quite an amount of talk among ourselves we separated and went to our several homes leaving the Indians to themselves. Thus ended the fight.
(The captain references could be a general reference meaning “acting captain” ie: leader, because Bennett the actual Captain was supposedly in all other accounts not in attendance and Robinson was a Lieutenant not a Captain.)
A few settlers south of the Salem Institute were fearful of a night attack from the Indians and some slept out away from their houses. The Indians, however, stayed in their camp, and the next day a party from the institute went out and compromised with the Indians, assisting in the care of the wounded. One Indian shot through both thighs, supposed to have been killed finally got well and was paid a blanket. Others with lesser wounds were paid shirts, so the affair was settled. Mr. Doty, who had a place near the battle ground had gone to Looney’s to stay over night. Going homeward in the morning Doty met a band of Indians, painted for war, who rode for him while he put spurs to his horse. Looney was alarmed and hastily prepared to defend his family. When they rode up it proved to be a friendly band of Calapooia Indians under their chief Louie who were themselves looking out for the same Indians with whom we had been in conflict. Our chapter of Indian casualties was closed for the time and we resumed our pioneer labors.”
(Evening Capital Journal, Salem, OR, August 8, 1891, Vol.4, No. 131, p.1, center)
________________________________
Here we see the visitation to the Mission which was the actual goal of the Walla Wallas in other accounts, to perhaps visit Dr. White in relation to the loss of the cattle and wealth of the eastern Oregon tribes in California due to the racism on the part of Americans and Spanish at Sutter’s Mills. In this account they are not identified as Walla Wallas, and Ramsdell was at the encounter. Ramsdell’s second account does identify the Indians as Walla Walla, and I have to wonder if he was informed of their identity by other accounts or by other rangers later? Who then identified the tribe?
The 1907 Thomas Ramsdell account of the Battle Creek incident, initially framed as the last living member of the Oregon Rangers the “First Military Company in Oregon,” begins very different from his first, seemingly changing many details from his original account in 1891.
“A band of Walla Wallas on a raid through the valley killed some cattle belonging to Jesse Looney. Our company being called upon came out under Lieutenant Robinson. In the absence of Captain Bennett, and our scouts located the Indians on a small creek, afterwards called Battle Creek, six miles south of the institute at Salem.” (Oregon Sunday Journal , 11/3/1907)
Considering that every other account and even his own of 1891, mentioned that the report of the killing of cattle was inaccurate, unproven and a rumor, then why does his account open with this statement? Perhaps it is the reason for their initial actions, and so the account tried to be accurate as to the timeline. Here is where we look to the salability of the story to the public, it is more exciting to believe that the actions of the Rangers was righteous and just, rather than a mistake of over-aggression.
________________________
The encounter with a band of Calapooians is better drafted by historian Samuel Clarke from an unknown informant.
“The Calipooias, who were the native of the valley, seem to have resented the inroads of the Eastern Oregon Indians, and made a jest of the Battle Creek skirmish. Louis’s band of them came to Looney’s and Jo Hutchins, one of the best of the Calipooias, was with them. On the way they saw Doty, and as he showed symptoms of scare, they chased him all the way to Campbell’s, where they headed him off and had a hearty laugh. They came to ask if their white friends wanted them to clean out the Walla Wallas? They were rather disappointed not to have the chance…. There was a barn raising at Looney’s soon after the battle; Daly was on the roof of the barn and saw McClaine and five Walla Walla Indians coming, so went down and got his gun. They wanted pay for the man killed; demanded a horse and blankets. It was then that Lewis’s band came, and were keen to clean out the others. They were afraid that if depredations were committed they might be accused of the cattle killing. The people of Salem seem to have contributed to satisfy the Walla Wallas and they soon went away.” (Pioneer Days of Oregon History Vol. 2, J.K. Gill, Portland, 1905. Samuel A. Clarke)
Ramsdell could have been the informant because his newspaper account appears in print only 2 years later. The detailed reference to the Santiam’s and their leaders is very interesting and perhaps accurate. Louis (Lewis) or Tiacan was the principal leader of the Santiam Band at Lebanon, and signed two treaties, in 1851 and 1855. Jo Hutchins (Alquema, Joseph Hudson) is the chief of the Santiam band between the forks of the Santiam and Scio, and he also signed treaties in 1851 and 1855 and becomes a principal leader of the Santiam at the Grand Ronde Indian Reservation. Their seeming tongue-in-cheek comments about “cleaning out the Walla Walla” may not have been as un-serious as it sounds in print, but a real threat to the “other” Indians who came to their lands. The Santiams at this date, 1846, still were the most powerful in the central valley and would have taken these tribal visitors as serious interlopers. While tribes did not have territories boundaries per-se, they did have territorial claims and would take offense of neighbors who ventured into the wrong territory without invitation or if they were making trouble. The rumor of the cattle killing would have been enough, to bring the Santiams to the see what was going on and offer to help their allies, the settlers, many of whom were their employers and friends by this time. This account by itself adds context to the supposed claim of the Walla Wallas to the valley very well, by noting the “other” status of the Walla Wallas as not belonging in the valley. I think it was understood by this time, that if other tribes had business with the Mission or the Indian agent they would be tolerated, but otherwise they were strictly visitors.
In my previous account I reference the regular visitation of the Klamath to the valley. In numerous accounts the Klamath would arrive in the valley in the spring or summer and camp with their Molalla kin, and hunt elk, they were a regular occurrence in the valley and would be tolerated by the Kalapuyans who were also their kin through kinships with the Molalla. Alquema himself was married to Mary the daughter of Chief Coastno of the Santiam Forks band of Molalla. Similarly, the Klickitat have a parallel history, perhaps more recent than the Klamath, of visiting Western Oregon and and hunting elk. They even claim they made conquest on the Willamette Valley and demanded a treaty, a demand that was refused by Joel Palmer who forced them back over the Columbia.
I think the larger story here is that of rumor and of how Indian histories is reinvented every few decades. There may have been a delegation of Walla Walla in the valley in 1846, to visit Dr. White, who encountered a problem with the settlers who were quick to act against any perceived threat, even a band of by native people who 5 years before would not have raised an eyebrow of interest. The suggestion that Peo-peo-mox-mox was at Salem may be true, but he is not mentioned in the Battle Creek accounts, and in all other accounts of this Principal chief -a legend of Oregon history- he is always identified profusely. He still may have visited Salem at some point. In an archaeological report “Archaeological Investigations at the Dittman Biface Cache (35MA375), Marion County, Oregon” the authors suggest that Peo-peo-mox-mox wanted to seek revenge for the killing of Elijah Hedding, his son, and may have visited Salem to seek advice from Dr. White. I have yet to hear about another journey to Sutter’s Mills to seek this revenge, only that they did get some few dollars from White in payment, perhaps enough to placate the chief. California in 1846 was a very dangerous place, with a war between Americans and Spaniards brewing for control of the area.
Finally, I will close with a follow up to the story. This may be a story in relation to Battlecreek. The details of the story- a stolen horse- relate well to the other Battlecreek accounts that detail the Klamath’s stealing a horse from the Looney farm. the year is too late for Battle creek, but perhaps the newspapers combined details from this story and other accounts of Battle creek to produce the Klamath Battlecreek account decades after either of these stories took place. History conflation was a common enough practice in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. It could also be just a separate and unrelated account.
______________________________
Oregon Free Press, June 24, 1848
INDIAN DEPREDATIONS, ETC.—We have received the subjoined letter from the Adj. General’s office, from which it will be seen that Capt. Scott and his Rangers are operating effectively in the southern portion of the valley:
YAMHILL, June 21, ’48.
Dear Sir—I left Salem on the 5th inst., with sixteen men, proceeded up the valley near the Calapooia, learned that the Indians had robbed a house of about thirty articles of clothing, we spent two days in searching the Indian camps between the Santiam and McKenzie’s fork of the Willamette, but could find no trace of the goods. At Spoor’s [Spore’s- outside of Eugene] I learned that two days before, the Indians had stolen a horse. I divided my men—sending Lt. English with eight rangers, two citizens and one Indian to follow the trails, and took six rangers, and got three men out of Bristoe’s [Bristow- Pleasant Hill] fork, and aimed to head the thieves on the Klamet trail, in the Cascade mountains, at the head of middle fork, and proceeded thirty miles up that river. Finding the Indians had not proceeded on the trail, I returned to the three forks. On my arrival I learned that Lt. English had pressed the Indians so hard, up the north side of McKenzie’s fork, as to make them leave the stolen and two more of their own. We suppose the Indians to be either Klamets or Molallas. I have no doubt that the house was robbed by Molallas, as they were camped in the neighborhood. I have some rangers now up the valleys in pursuit of some thieves who have heretofore stolen cattle, and I am on my way thither to meet them. I am confident that the ranging service will have a salutary effect. I have received your order for marching to meet the Immigrants.
The rangers enlisted to go and meet and escort the Immigrants into this valley, will rendezvous on the 8th of July next, at the bridge on Salt creek, South Yamhill, equipped as required by their enrollment, with their horses well shod, to take up the line of march on the 10th. Those who wish to join the company, will attend at the above time and place.
FELIX SCOTT, Capt. Ind. Rifle Rangers.
Lieut. LOVEJOY, Adjutant General.[1]
[1] Oregon Free Press, June 24, 1848, page 2 (https://oregonnews.uoregon.edu/lccn/sn84022661/1848-06-24/ed-1/seq-2/)
Leave a Reply
You must be logged in to post a comment.